Archive for MTA Economics

Late yesterday afternoon, David Paterson unveiled his plan to help cover the MTA’s deficit while assuaging suburban concerns over the payroll tax by shifting more of the tax burden to city-based businesses. Those doing business in the five boroughs would see the tax increase by 60 percent while those outside the city would see it decrease by 50 percent. These tax adjustments will supposedly restore the payroll tax revenue to the amount originally projected last May and deliver another $230 million to the MTA this year.

Last night, I called this move a political one designed to earn the beleaguered Paterson some points outside of the City, but many of my readers believe it to be a more equitable distribution of the tax burden based upon those who benefit from transit. The reality is that city businesses — the major economic drivers of the entire metropolitan area — are not going to look too kindly upon higher tax rates during a bad economy. Already, the Mayor and other business officials are slamming the plan.

The Mayor last night put out a scating statement that highlighted the now-dead effort to bring congestion pricing revenue to the MTA. He said:

“First the Governor proposed a state budget that slashes support for New York City but not the suburbs, and now he proposes to wallop city businesses with more taxes while lightening the load for businesses in the suburbs. The idea that the State can spare the suburbs while sacking the City is terrible economics, grossly unfair, and contrary to every principle of good regional development. We in New York City saw the MTA’s problems coming and came up with a plan that would have created a steady stream of revenue for capital programs. Now the Governor proposes to shift an extra half billion dollar burden onto New York City taxpayers, who are the economic heart of our region. I will work night and day with our City’s delegation in Albany to stop this wrongheaded proposal from moving forward.”

Business leaders echoed the Mayor’s call but also took the opportunity to question the MTA’s business practices. “A far-reaching and dependable regional transit system is among New York State’s greatest assets,” Kathryn Wylde, head of the Partnership for New York City, said. “[We] remain open to discussing new ways to improve the MTA’s finances, so long as the approach is equitable and balanced. Additional funding, however, cannot be justified unless the MTA gets better control of spending and improves its contracting and procurement processes.”

Streetsblog saves its indictment for the Gang of Four who refused to support Richard Ravitch’s call for East River bridge tolls or congestion pricing. Wrote Ben Fried this morning:

So think of the New York City payroll tax hike, if it comes to pass, as a testament to the obstinacy of Carl Kruger, Pedro Espada, Ruben Diaz, Sr., and the disgraced Hiram Monserrate — as well as their GOP counterparts like Marty Golden and Andrew Lanza who sat idly by and did nothing to help the Ravitch plan last year.

Nine months after these NYC-based State Senators killed bridge tolls and nearly two years after members of the city’s Assembly delegation stopped congestion pricing in its tracks, we now face the distinct possibility that NYC businesses will end up shouldering more than three times the payroll tax rate as suburban businesses. Think back to all the city politicians you’ve heard float make-believe proposals about reinstating the commuter tax or making only non-NYC motorists pay bridge tolls. This new tax on New York City — on their constituents — is their handiwork too.

And so here we are, in another MTA political mess, this one inspired by our accidental governor. The state has a few options at its disposal: It could raise the payroll tax across the board to fund transit; it could push through congestion pricing or East River bridge tolls; or it could further push the pain onto the backs of New York City workers and residents who already pay more than their fair share to subsidize suburban commuter rails. Paterson has chosen to put forward the last and worst option. Can it get past the State Assembly and Senate? Will New Yorkers pay more or will the MTA continue to suffer?

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David Paterson taketh away, and then David Paterson giveth. Just over two weeks ago, when David Paterson unveiled his executive budget for the 2010-2011 fiscal year, it contained a shock for the MTA. Payroll tax receipts were project to be $104 million less than originally anticipated, and the MTA’s overall budget hole has grown to nearly $800 million since then.

Today, Paterson announced his 21-day amendments to the Executive Budget, and the MTA should net an additional $230 million in 2010. “The new proposal I am putting forward will provide relief to straphangers, as the MTA makes the difficult decisions necessary to balance its budget during an historic fiscal crisis that is significantly impacting all levels of government,” Governor Paterson said in a statement. “In addition, it also makes key improvements to the current tax structure, promoting regional equity and delivering relief to small businesses.”

Before we rejoice, a few caveats: First, this budget adjustment simply corrects for Albany’s originally overly optimistic revenue projections. In May 2009, the payroll tax was projected to bring in $1.54 billion for the MTA, and prior to this amended budget, the MTA was going to receive just $1.3 billion this year. Paterson may be patting himself on the back with this press release, but all he has done is to restore the funding levels to where they should be.

Second, someone has to pay for this $230 million increase, and at a time when the suburban counties that make up the outer-lying parts of the Metropolitan Commuter Transportation District are in revolt over the payroll tax, you can bet that the burden will fall on the heads of those within the five boroughs. Paterson’s press people offer up this explanation:

The amended proposal eliminates the current flat Mobility Tax structure (0.34 percent of payroll for all MCTD counties). It increases the tax rate for New York City businesses to 0.54 percent of payroll. It also cuts the tax rate in half for businesses outside of New York City in the Metropolitan Commuter Transportation District (MCTD) to 0.17 percent. Under the new proposal, New York City businesses would now contribute 88 percent of all mobility tax revenues, up from 70 percent. This will ensure a more equitable distribution of tax liability in line with the fact that New York City is the destination for over 90 percent of weekday ridership.

The following table helps contextual the changes:

Basically, New York City businesses will see an increase of nearly 60 percent in the payroll tax to support the MTA while businesses outside of the city who clearly benefit from the presence of mass transit will have to pay less. Paterson claims this to be an “equitable” solution, but it seems to be a prime example of Paterson’s political pandering at a time when his poll numbers are down.

In response, the MTA had this to say:

“The MTA is grateful to Governor Paterson for his continued focus on funding the MTA and the critical service we provide to 8.5 million New Yorkers every day. The MTA’s revenues have taken two significant hits since December: a nearly $400 million deficit was closed in December with administrative reductions and service cuts; and just last week we learned of a new approximately $400 million shortfall due primarily to reduced State projections of the payroll mobility tax. Based on the estimates provided by the Governor’s office, the changes to the payroll mobility tax proposed today would provide $230 million to recover much of the latest $400 million in deterioration and could lessen the need for additional cuts on top of those passed in December. It would not eliminate the need for the service cuts and administrative reductions included in the MTA Budget passed in December.

“The proposal also changes the structure of the payroll mobility tax, which is a decision to be made by the Governor and the Legislature. Even if this restructuring is enacted, the MTA will remain focused on overhauling how it does business to reduce costs and operate within the funding provided.”

For now, at least, we can breath a sigh of relief as the agency should see some of its deficit reduced. Unfortunately, that increased state contribution will come at the expense of those who live and work in New York City.

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As the MTA rushes headlong toward economic Armageddon, free rides have become a major political issue. In the face of a lack of political support, the MTA — rightly so — has refused to fund student transit. While the state has pledged some money and the city is trying to find the funds for the Student MetroCard program, the authority is holding students hostage as collateral for the potential of a political rescue.

Yet, as these machinations go ahead behind the scenes, Mayor Bloomberg has called for an end to all free rides. If New York City students can’t have free rides, said, the Mayor, neither should MTA employees. Pete Donohue and Kate Lucadamo of the Daily News had more:

The mayor called into question the policy of giving retired transit workers free bus and subway rides since free and reduced cards for city students are on the chopping block.

“Does it make any sense to give retirees passes for the rest of their lives and not give our kids passes so they can go to school? No,” Bloomberg said during his weekly radio show. “It’s pretty hard to argue that that is an intelligent policy.”

About 20,000 former retired bus, subway and commuter train workers get travel passes for their twilight years as a retirement benefit. Some 585,000 students also have free or discounted MetroCards – but they could lose them because of the MTA’s budget woes.

Bloomberg here is picking on a benefit that has been in the TWU contract for years, and, as expected, union officials are none too pleased. “After years of fiscal irresponsibility by the state government and the MTA, Mayor Bloomberg wants to hang the current fiscal woes around the necks of the elderly, our retirees, and that’s not right,” current TWU head John Samuelsen said.

Of course, if the world were in two shades, this would be a fight in shades of gray. Bloomberg is right in picking on the MTA’s giveaways for retirees, but Samuelsen has a great point too. The city — and state — simply has not lived up to its funding expectations. Fifteen years ago, the city promised to help fund free student rides, and yet, since 1995, the city hasn’t upped its monetary contributions at all. The $45 million the city paid last year is the same $45 million it paid in the mid 1990s.

So what to do? The workers who toil for decades in harsh conditions deserve some benefits after they retire. Do those benefits include free MetroCards along with health insurance and a solid pension plan? That’s not a bad question to ask, but until the city can find more money for student cards, it’s not one Mayor Bloomberg should be asking.

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According to New York State Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli, the MTA could save significant amounts of money by overhauling its approach to overtime. In a letter sent to the MTA and obtained by the Daily News, DiNapoli said that overtime spending cost the MTA nearly $577 million in 2008. Furthermore, fewer than 5 percent of the authority’s workforce earned 30 percent of the overtime with some LIRR mechanics — the most egregious overtime earners — taking home $200,000 in overtime pay or more than three times their base salaries.

DiNapoli’s letter highlights the need for the MTA to reform its work practices and for its unionized workers to accept that reform. At a time when the authority’s deficit is spiraling out of control, the MTA simply cannot afford to be lax about its overtime regulations. “The high cost of the MTA overtime is a significant issue,” DiNapoli said. The overtime payouts “adds to concerns about whether the MTA has done all that it can to contain costs.”

For his part, MTA CEO and Chairman Jay Walder promised reform. DiNapoli’s study covers the 2008 time period, and Walder has been in the job since only October 2009. Cutting overtime abuse has been one of Walder’s recently talking points, and he reiterated that to the Daily News. “My top priority,” he said, “is finding ways to reduce our costs by targeting areas like overtime and contracting, and we are grateful for any help the controller can provide as we begin to make the MTA more efficient.”

Categories : Asides, MTA Economics
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These days, the MTA’s federal stimulus grants have become hot topics of conversation. Some would prefer to use the legally permissible 10 percent siphoned from the stimulus grant to help cover the ever-widening operating deficit. Others don’t feel comfortable taking money away from the also financially distressed capital budget. But what if the money isn’t being spent?

According to a report issued recently by the New York Building Congress, few of the city’s $1.57 billion in transportation stimulus funds have spent. In fact, the city itself has spent only $857,000 of that money, and while the MTA has spent more of its allotted dollars, spending is far off pace. Of the MTA, the NYBC said:

According to the State Comptroller’s figures, the MTA has spent $39,000 of stimulus funds on a bridge replacement on South First Avenue over the MetroNorth Railroad. Approximately $10.9 million is earmarked for this project.

At the end of 2009, no federal stimulus money had been spent on the two MTA projects slated to receive the most ARRA funds; the Fulton Street Transit Center, which is expected to receive $423 million, and the Second Avenue Subway, which has been approved for $276 million.

According to MTA, the agency has been allocated a total of $1.075 billion in ARRA funds and has awarded contracts worth $886 million. However, the MTA acknowledges that just $14 million has been spent to date.

This data underscores a point I’ve made about the stimulus grants in the first place. Generally, shovel-ready projects were mostly funded, and the MTA — along with many other state organizations — used its stimulus dollars to cover project deficits. NYBC’s head echoed this sentiment.

“As New York City nears the first anniversary of federal stimulus legislation, we remain greatly concerned about the slow pace of capital spending on transportation projects,” NYBC President Richard T. Anderson said. “Virtually all of the stimulus money spent and received to date has been devoted to programs designed to lessen the impact of the economic downturn on individuals, bolster the operating budgets of local governments, or fund small-scale construction projects. While such spending is important, it does little to stimulate the broader economy, create new jobs and prepare the region for renewed growth.”

So what is to be done? If anything, this latest development strengthens the case for the Russianoff Plan. Congress passed the stimulus money in order to stimulate the economy, and an operating budget crisis at the MTA will lead to job losses that we as a city would prefer to avoid. If those federal dollars can be used to avert some cuts and some staff reductions, then, the money would be going to good use. Of course, some of the payroll fat at the MTA deserves to be cut, and some of the efficiency-based service changes should be implemented anyway. As of now, though, this money is just sitting there.

I’m still not on board with the Russianoff Plan, but I can see where this debate is leading. Eventually, the MTA, faced with a huge debt and a pile of unused cash just sitting there, will take some of the stimulus funds from projects that, in a few years, will need more money. The economics of it all just keep getting more and more muddled as time goes on.

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Those in charge of the MTA must be really glad Wedneday is over for it was yet another bad time in the long run of bad days for the MTA finances. As we learned late in the afternoon, revised budget projections from the state have opened up a wider gap in the MTA’s budget. Only later in the day did the extent of the cuts come into view.

Basically, the MTA has been fleeced by the state. Promised enough money to avoid either financial ruin or extreme service cuts and/or fare hikes in 2010, the MTA has not been given the millions promised to it. Rather, the State Division of Budget continues to adjust forecasted revenues from the Regional Mobility Tax downward. A statement from the agency yesterday summed up the bad news:

“The MTA anticipates that it may need to reduce the estimated receipts included in its 2010 budget by approximately $350 million (which includes $179 million of 2009 collections whose receipt was previously reforecast for 2010), with revenue loss of up to an additional $200 million a year thereafter. Combined with additional revenue loss previously projected in the Governor’s Executive Budget, the MTA could be faced with up to a $400 million new deficit for 2010.”

And so when we add the new deficit to the old $383 million deficit, we find the MTA looking at a 2010 fiscal hole of $783 million — or nearly eight billion dimes. Got a few to spare?

For its part, the MTA is “closely following” the state’s budget machinations and “remains prepared to take needed actions in order to maintain a balanced budget.” That’s agency-speak for “we’re screwed,” but the MTA, as I see it, has a few avenues it could pursue in order to gain more funding. Many of these approaches are politically unpalatable while others are generally unfeasible or simply not enough. Still, it’s worth an examination of the five proposals that should be on the table.

1. Adopt the Russianoff Plan
As much as I do not yet support moving stimulus funds from the capital budget to the operating budget, this move is clearly the most obvious one to close a budget gap of this magnitude. The only problem is that it falls woefully short of achieving that goal. Even if the MTA moves the $121 million allowed by law over from the stimulus ledger to the operating balance sheet and even if the MTA takes the $50 million PAYGO reserve and reinstates that into the operating budge, the agency would still be $612 million in the red. Plus, the strained capital budget — a necessary part of any future transit system that we will enjoy when the agency’s finances are stronger — would be further drained.

2. More service cuts
Right now, the MTA has a full slate of money-saving service cuts on the table. Although many of these cuts can be viewed as service reorganizations that better meet demand and costs, the MTA is still cutting train frequency and increasing load guidelines. These costs will save some money, but by themselves, the cuts can’t cover the deficit. If the MTA opts only to cut services, the cuts would be dramatic — think no overnight train service — and would cripple New York City. Still, if Albany doesn’t have or can’t find the money, this is truly a Doomsday option that remains on the table.

3. Raise fares
On Tuesday, I analyzed the debate between fare hikes and service cuts as budget-balancing approaches. In the end, 77 percent of those who voted in the poll supported fare hikes as a way to close the budget gap. For the MTA to cover this new gap, the agency would have to institute the already-planned service cuts and a fare hike that nets another $400 million revenue. To do so by fares would lead to a fare hike of around 10 percent across the board. Despite the MTA’s desires to avoid a hike, it seems almost inevitable.

4. Congestion Fee/East River Bridge Tolls
While one of these proposals could be passed without the other, I lump them into one item because they are, in effect, the same thing. Charging drivers who exact a cost on the city when they use unnecessarily free bridges would result in a guaranteed source of revenue for the MTA. Charging drivers who exact a cost on the city when they contribute to congestion and pollution would result in more funding for the MTA. The real problem here is that no New York politician seems willing to take the bull by the horns even though the majority of New Yorkers have, at times, voice support for either or both of these proposals. They too seem inevitable but not quite as soon as a fare hike does.

5. Market-Rate On-Street Parking
Last July, I ran some numbers and explored why New York should be charging its residents hundreds of dollars for the privilege of on-street parking. As real estate rates remain among the highest in the nation, the city gives away valuable space to cars for free. If the city instituted a residential parking permit program with tiered fees based upon proximity to transit and guaranteed those revenues to the MTA, the transit authority would be able to close a significant portion of its budget gap. Again, though, this proposal is politically unlikely.

So in the end, we’re left with the same options under consideration for the better part of the last two years. Even though more equitable funding solutions exist, when the dust settles, my money is on a combination of fare hikes and service cuts. The auto drivers — a small percentage of New York City’s commuters — will enjoy their free rides as the MTA limps toward financial ruin.

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When the MTA institutes its sweeping package of service cuts this summer, the agency will do so in an attempt to save nearly $400 million. It’s now going to have to find double those savings to stave off economic disaster. According to the latest budget totals from New York State, the estimate revenue generated by the payroll mobility tax will now be $700 million less than expected from 2009-2011. With this news, the MTA faces even more economic uncertainty and a 2010 budget gap that will grow to at least $400 million after the cuts are instituted. At this point, fare hikes for 2011 are shaping up to be quite substantial.

Meanwhile, the ideological divide between those who want the MTA to receive proper funding is growing. In response to this news — a development that highlights the need for a long-term fix — Gene Russianoff sent out a statement again supporting a short-term stimulus fix that won’t even close this new estimated gap. “The MTA’s widening deficit makes it more important than ever for the cash-starved agency to use currently available federal stimulus money to keep running as much transit service as possible,” he said, when in fact this widening deficit makes it more important to find a stable source of year-to-year revenue and not a funding source that will dry up after it’s tapped.

On the other side of the debate is John Petro of the Drum Major Institute. In a Huffington Post piece, Petro explains why bridge tolls and congestion pricing schemes are both inevitable and beneficial for the MTA and New York. With wider gaps projected for this year and next, Petro’s is the kind of proposal transit advocates need to be supporting right now. A stimulus fix, estimated to provide under $200 million in funding, just won’t cut it right now.

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Over the weekend, as part of their campaign to convince the MTA to use stimulus dollars as a quick fix for most of its budget gap, James Vacca, Christine Quinn and Gene Russianoff penned a Daily News op-ed putting forth their plan. By now, we know the argument: It is legally permissible for the MTA to use 10 percent of its stimulus dollars for operating costs. That contribution of around $120 million plus the $50 million in operating expenses reserved for pay-as-you-go capital needs would be enough to take the service cuts off the table while the city and state should work out a funding plan for the Student MetroCard program.

On the surface, their proposal doesn’t sound like a bad one, but I’ve had my reservations. Without exhausting the other options first, I don’t support taking money that should be used for capital resources or the PAYGO fund to cover operating deficits. Furthermore, having spent some time examining Transit’s service cuts proposals, I believe many of these cuts should stay as is. It simply doesn’t make sense for the MTA to run bus services that cost $12-$25 per passenger and service just 1100 riders per week as Staten Island’s S60 bus does.

In the end — at the 11th hour when no better solution is on the table — I would be willing to support this so-called Russianoff Plan, but for now, I want to see New York try to find that better solution. Today at The Transport Politic, Yonah Freemark tackles a similar subject. He explores how transit riders are no longer surprised by Doomsday cuts and questions the way American municipalities fund transit operations. He writes:

If there is no obvious way to avoid these reductions now, governments at all levels of the federal system should learn from this recession in order to prepare for the next one. In most other countries, despite economic downturns similar to the one being experienced by the United States, transit services have not been cut back at all. One explanation, of course, is a more stable source of revenues than the sales tax relied upon by most American transit systems to fund system operations and capital programs. Similarly, other countries have stronger social support networks, ensuring that when they experience recessions, they’re less likely to see tax revenues drop to a degree seen in the U.S. Finally, most other developed countries don’t immediately turn to inefficient, ineffective tax cuts to solve economic problems.

In other words, the declining state of American transit operations today is more a reflection of a general lack of political will to maintain public service stability. If it is disappointing to watch agencies reduce services dramatically now, it is downright depressing to note that nothing is being done to ensure that a similar situation won’t occur again.

Early last year when the MTA was facing another budget crisis, Freemark explored the state of MTA financing. Two aspects of our transit agency — very high payroll costs and an over-reliance on taxes that fluctuate with the economy — left the MTA high and dry. Paris, for example, relied upon some robust payroll taxes and heavy local subsidies along with a reduced payroll to avoid these economic problems while maintaining control of its fixed costs. New York now has that payroll tax, but it’s such a small part of the MTA’s overall budget that it can’t act as a countervailing measure to a bad real estate and sales economy.

Right now, the MTA’s funding problems are those of a lack of political will. Albany and City Hall have left the MTA with fewer subsidies than ever before, and payroll obligations are starting to spiral out of control. Before the MTA moves stimulus funds to cover operating deficits — a move that may bring the MTA to break-even this year but will leave them with the same problems next — the major players must try to contain these costs and find a more stable annual revenue source. The city and the MTA can’t keep playing this same economic game year in and year out.

Categories : MTA Economics
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Over the last few weeks, as the MTA’s funding woes have risen to the surface, a debate over the use of stimulus funds to cover the budget deficit has emerged. On the one side are the City Council and Gene Russianoff’s Straphangers Campaign who support using stimulus funds to cover the gap. On the other are, for example, the Regional Plan Association and I believe it to be a bad idea. Today, we see exactly why it’s a dangerous plan to put forward.

On its surface, Gene Russianoff’s idea almost makes sense. The MTA is legally allowed to take 10 percent of its stimulus dollars to cover operating costs. Of course, the capital fund too is stretched to its limit, and future investment in the system even in the face of temporary operating shortfalls is a key component to the long-term health of New York City. If the Russianoff Plan is enacted, the MTA would be robbing its future self to cover numerous services that deserve to be reexamined anyway.

One of my counterarguments to the Russianoff plan is the way it provides only a quick fix. The MTA has an institutional funding problem in that the city and state are shirking their responsibilities to the organization, and a one-off stimulus fix does nothing to address those problems. An economic crisis should be the time for New York to establish a better approach toward funding transit.

I’ve also argued that politicians will embrace the stimulus funding plan because it allows them to disregard further their duties toward the MTA. Why bother trying to solve a problem when they can just plug a hole for one year? Not surprisingly, that — with a twist — is exactly what some upstate politicians are trying to do. As the Poughkeepsie Journal reported earlier this week, five U.S. House representatives have asked Gov. David Paterson to reduce the MTA’s payroll tax and use stimulus funds to cover this year’s gap.

I won’t mince words here: This is a terrible idea. It would take another $110 million away from the MTA at a time when the authority is already running deficits of around $300-$400 million. It would leave the MTA with less guaranteed money after 2010. At Mobilizing the Region, Steven Higashide says it best: “This would blow a hole in future MTA budgets, since it would replace yearly tax revenues with one-year stimulus funds.”

Higashide’s Tri-State Transportation Campaign is one of the co-signers of the Russianoff Plan, but it is a plan that puts more faith in our politicians than they seem to deserve. The use of stimulus funds to hide this year’s budget gap is a dangerous move to make, and our politicians are slowly starting to show us why.

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Most New Yorkers wouldn’t recognize Kirsten Gillibrand, the state’s junior senator, if they ran into her on the street. An upstate politician who replaced Hillary Clinton one year ago, Gillibrand is suffering from mediocre poll numbers and may face a primary challenger for her Senate seat later this fall. Yet, Senator Gillibrand might just be the MTA’s last hope.

Currently, in Washington, D.C., Senate Democrats are working to propose another bill aimed at jobs creation. Within this bill would be significant levels of spending on infrastructure including public transit. As Streetsblog Capitol Hill reported yesterday, the current iteration of the bill would feature $14 billion for roads and $7.5 billion for transit. The bill would again allow discretionary operations spending for transit authorities, and the MTA would be able to apply ten percent of any funds allocated toward it to cover operating deficits.

Meanwhile, Gillibrand is lobbying on behalf of transit. As Michael McAuliff of the Daily News reported late last week (with an erroneous take on the news), Gillibrand has penned a letter to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid asking him to include $15 billion in spending for transit. Relying on the current financial plight of the MTA to frame her request, she wrote:

I urge you to include $15 billion for transit investments, and include provisions to allow up to 10% of transit funds to be used for operational expenses. This funding flexibility can help alleviate service cuts as the State looks to right its budget during this recession. This funding will not only help maintain employment levels to a system that is so critical to the region’s economy, but will spur job grown throughout the Tristate area.

There is, of course, not a small measure of politics involved here. Gillibrand needs to put forward an effort to fight for the jobs of New Yorkers as she faces a difficult election year. But at the same time, she could be the last best hope for the MTA. As it stands now, the MTA does not expect the state to further fund transportation in New York, and the plan is to move forward with the service cuts come late June. The money would have be in hand before that for bus routes, student MetroCards and a full slate of subway service to remain. If Gillibrand can deliver and deliver quickly, there is hope yet.

Of course, this promise of federal funds and my belief that it could be used on operations stand in stark contrast to my repeated opposition to Gene Russianoff’s calls to use currently allocated stimulus funds to cover the budget gap. In that case, Russianoff’s plan calls for a reallocation of money already promised to MTA capital projects. Here, the MTA would be getting federal funds with the express, original belief that the money would be going to operations. There is a subtle, but important, distinction.

In the end, though, we can’t put too much faith into federal funding. These dollars are the equivalent of a sugar high: It might feel good to avoid the cuts now, but it doesn’t do anything to address the institutional problems inherent in the way the city and state do not provide adequate funding mechanisms for the MTA. For now, if avoiding service cuts this year right now is the goal, it just might do the trick.

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